Classical music. Old Campus. Blue blazers. Floral dresses. Caps and gowns. Latin. Pomp and circumstance. Richard C. Levin. 1,238 undergraduates. 1,706 graduates. The 295th Yale University Commencement.
Rock and Roll. The New Haven Green. Blue jeans. T-shirts. Reverend Jesse Jackson. 5,000 representatives from organized labor. The People's Commencement.
These two events, which occurred simultaneously and literally across the street from one another, shed light on class disparity more than any other event in recent history. The day itself reflected the sharp contrast between the very rich and the very poor.
In February of 1996, the Yale administration, claiming a substantial budget deficit, provoked labor action by Federation of University Employees when they proposed a "two-tier wage structure in the dining halls, proposing to pay newly hired workers $4 an hour less than current workers and eliminating their guarantee of alternative jobs during the summer when the dining halls are closed." (Reed, 1996). A month later, Yale proposed a new plan. The administration would withdraw cutbacks if the locals allowed unlimited subcontracting. Either way, members of Local 34, clerical and technical workers, and Local 35, service and maintenance workers, stood to lose an enormous amount of money. "A typical dining hall worker('s wages would fall) from $23,000 to $10,000 per year--well below the poverty level for New Haven families." (Labor Matters, 1996). The result, "97% of the work force participating in (a) strike, all but one of Yale's dining halls are shut down; the trash is beginning to pile up; managers are being paid $35/hour to scrub toilets; and picket lines are up once again across campus. The strike is also directly impacting the educational process: over 300 classes have been moved into off-campus churches, cafes and movie theaters, as have numerous conferences and public events." (Yale Strike Update, 1996).
Yale President Richard C. Levin justified these measures by having claimed a sizable budget deficit, leaving Yale financially unsound. "In its Yale Labor FAQs, the administration includes the following questions: 'The unions say Yale is making profits. What's that about?' It then answers its own question as follows: 'Labor relations at Yale have been characterized by confrontational rhetoric for decades . . . The reality . . . is that Yale is a non-profit institution of higher education. In fact, in the last fiscal year (then 1995) Yale posted a $12 million operating deficit. An $8 million operating deficit is forecast for the (1996) financial year." (Labor Matters, 1996). In an effort to control the union, Yale hired attorney Robert Mann, a former partner at the infamous Seyfarth, Shaw, Fairweather and Geraldson law firm of Chicago who have had a reputation for crushing strikes while representing management in labor battles. They also hired Professional Law Enforcement, Inc., an organization specializing in "strike security". (Yale Strike Update, 1996).
Mr. Levin should not be painted in an entirely anti-labor picture. Even the union has given him credit for attempting to fight poverty and inequality in New Haven. Under Levin, Yale has taken a community responsibility, in one instance, "establishing a fund to encourage Yale workers to buy houses in the city." (Labor Matters, 1996).
Labor Leaders challenge Yale's claim of a budget deficit, saying that Yale had used inaccurate means to define its financial health. "An accounting deficit is not an accurate benchmark for determining financial well being--given the slippery nature of fund accounting which allows for considerable discretion in the preparation of financial statements." (Labor Matters, 1996). In fiscal years 1990 and 1991, Yale claimed that their operating revenues matched their operating expenses meaning an absolute balance. However, "the balancing act came as a result of an intentional zeroing out--permitted under the governing accounting rules. By contrast, starting in 1992 Yale began running an accounting deficit using the same intentional approach it used to keep its operating fund balanced at year end prior to that time." (Labor Matters, 1996). The accounting deficit Yale used to show a $12 million deficit included non-cash items, which when not added in would have drastically reshaped Yale's financial picture.
The union had also directed a challenge at Yale for hiring the PLE security firm, especially on a college campus. "Yale's labor history may be a bitter, but it has been entirely peaceful, and we have very good relationships with both the University and the New Haven police departments." (Yale Strike Update,1996). The PLE has been accused of being an intimidating factor on both strikers and students and a case in 1994 when a PLE officer allegedly beat a striker in the head with a flashlight, causing a loss of vision, had helped to fan the flames of fear. "Yale is spending upward of $1.6 million to keep PLE on campus--a sum which is greater than all the money Yale expects to save by cutting wages of dining hall workers!" (Labor Matters, 1996).
On December 19, 1996, Yale and its union came to accord over a new contract. The media labeled it as a draw as both sides agreed to concessions that were originally considered non-negotiable points. The locals were able to get the university to agree not to subcontract any work in the dining halls and to guarantee that union members would not be subject to lay offs through 2006. The dining hall and maintenance workers will receive a 2 to 2.5 percent raise each year, while Local 35 members get a 3 percent annual raise. Union leaders were happy with the results.
The administration, which has been subject to 7 labor strikes in 25 years, was also pleased with the outcome. The locals signed a contract that for the first time allowed Yale to hire subcontractors to do work previously belonging to dining hall workers, maintenance workers, plumbers, electricians, and custodians in Local 35. The school may also bring in private contractors to run four fast-food outlets on campus. "Although employees at the fast-food establishments would be union members, the would be paid $7 an hour--much less than the $12 an hour that many dining hall workers typically make--and would not receive benefits. The positions would be seasonal, not year-round like other union jobs at Yale." (Rabinovitz, 1996). University officials were pleased enough with the outcome to liken the new contract to their initial proposal in 1995.
Yale is to New Haven as Ford was to Flint. They are the corporation of the city of New Haven, by far the city's largest employer. As of 1996, Yale had the second-biggest university endowment in the country, almost $4.4 billion, contrasted with the city of New Haven which ranked among the nations seventh poorest cities. Even Mayor John De Stefano became involved with negotiations as a mediator between the two sides. New Haven very much needs Yale and its jobs.
The latest labor battle represents the changing face of the American Labor movement. John Sweeney is the president of the AFL-CIO and it was hoped that his leadership would strengthen the labor movement against the rising tide of corporate greed. But in many cases, as one may argue in this case, unions have had to make far too many concessions to gain job security.
An interesting factor in this strike was the gender and racial makeup of the union, clearly reflective of the new face in unionism. "Local 34 is roughly 80 percent female: Local 35 is roughly half female and 60 percent black and Latino. And both locals are fairly young." (Reed, 1996). This fact, as it does in every day life, affects worker-union relationships. Two employees, both janitors and members of Local 35 had mostly good things to say about the union, that they were truly concerned and represented their own interests. However, the two workers who were both of Latino decent did admit their was a language barrier between some workers and the union leaders. Still, they offered no comment on the accusation that the unions were more sympathetic to the Graduate Employees and Student Organization (GESO), a Local 34 and 35 effort to organize Yale's grad students. These two members, and union members on a whole, feel secure and satisfied with the representation by the union.
Throughout the many decades of dealing with strikes, management has become adept at containing and eventually breaking strikers. Unions on, the other hand, have had to respond with clever tactics, a difficult task in an age of anti-labor sentiment. In the Yale University strikes, Locals 34 and 35 adopted the policy of an alternating strike strategy, a necessary measure because of the administration's threat that a worker striking for more than four weeks would be subject to the loss of health care benefits, compounded with the fact that none of these employees could go without their wages over a long period of time.
The alternating strike strategy is just what it says, instead of the entire work force walking out and picketing for an unpredictable amount of time, separate units strike for a fixed period of time and return to work when that time is up. Striking was divided between the Locals, each taking a month. These tactics weren't enough to insure a successful strike and the unions used public relations among the students and teachers, advising their supporters on how they might best serve the cause.
DON'T CROSS PICKET LINES OR USE YALE BUILDINGS IF YOU DON'T HAVE TO
-Picket lines are 6 to 6. If you have to use the library, try to go after 6.
-Buy your food off campus.
-Walk, run, or play outdoors; don't use the gym.
-Patronize the arts in New Haven and its environs, not Yale's museums and theaters.
-Help get class, events, and conferences moved off campus.
HOW TO SUPPORT THE WORKER IF YOU HAVE TO CROSS A PICKET LINE
-Talk to the picketers, wish them well; don't walk by with your eyes averted--walk with them.
-Contribute money to the strike fund.
-Don't do the work of the striking worker.
PUT PRESSURE ON THE ADMINISTRATION TO COME TO A FAIR SETTLEMENT
-Inform yourself and others about the issues of the strike.
-Circulate petitions; write letters to the administration and the newspapers.
-Come to demonstrations; sign up for mass pickets or the special undergrad picket line or the GESO picket line.
-Volunteer at the union office to contact alumni and raise money. (Labor Matters 2, 1996)
Labor politics has not died in the post-industrialization period in this country. The face (race and gender) and occupation (from factory workers to service employees) of the work force has gone through great changes over the years. The same issues, such as job security, benefits, and promotion, are crucial as the gap between the very rich and the very poor continues to accelerate.
LABOR MATTERS. No. 2. April 1, 1996.
LABOR MATTERS. NO. 5. April 22, 1996.
Lafer, Gordon. YALE STRIKE UPDATE. March 29, 1996.
Rabinowitz, Jonathan. "At Yale's Commencement, protest stays beyond wall." THE NEW YORK TIMES. Sec B, p. 2. May 28, 1996.
Rabinowitz, Jonathan. "Yale and its union reach settlement on six-year contract." THE NEW YORK TIMES. Sec B, p.7. December 20, 1996.
Reed Jr., Adolph. "New voice, old school? What Yale--the strike--can teach labor's new leaders." THE VILLAGE VOICE. p.19. March 19, 1996.
Smullin, Rebecca. "As talks resume, no end in sight for labor woes." YALE DAILY NEWS. April 26, 1996.
Taylor, Frances Grandy. "At Yale, a day of pomp and labor strife." THE HARTFORD COURANT. pg A1. May 27, 1996.
Photo Credits: The Federation of University Employees.
This educational project was produced by Robert Guman at Providence College, for Political Science 468, "The Politics of the American Labor Movement," Spring '98 (Prof. Tony Affigne).